Impact Youth Subcultural Lifestyles and Values Essay

Impact Youth Subcultural Lifestyles and Values - Essay Example The essay "Impact Youth Subcultural Lifestyles and Values" explores how fashion and music influence on the lifestyles and values. Both fashion and music suffered similar fate. Fashion seemed inclined to consider designer labels more important to wearability of the clothes. In music, post-modernism allowed the â€Å"collage, pastiche and quotation,† a hodgepodge way of creating music erasing the distinction between music genres. But superficial or not, music and fashion would definitely affect the cultural language and dynamics of contemporary youth. Mcrobbie (1994) wrote about the power and influence of music on fashion of youth but the result was contrary to what many would perceive as sexist. Shabba Ranks, a raggae / pop music crossover musician created a rage called Ragga girls (p.183). This created a sensation in the 1990’s when Ragga girls would be taken up not only by black girls but Asians and Caucasians. Along with the music was a distinct fashion sense that sep arated Ragga girls from the mainstream. The Ragga girls wore the hair â€Å"scraped back tightly into buns, wearing gold jewellery, trainers, leggings and fake-fur winter coats†. Examining the content of the song, many observed that the lyrics include sexist and homophobic contexts. The cultural interpretation of the Ragga girls, however did not conform to what was observed. Instead, an alternative value on the power of the female sex and pleasure emerged. The dance routines that go with the Shabba Ranks music was considered explicit. also considered sexually explicit and bordering on the obscene. However, Mcrobbie (1994) would provide another explanation for the behaviour. The girls were merely expressing "the rhetoric of a proud young female sexuality. " It is "combined with the sheer physical enjoyment of dance, working together to produce a euphoria of pleasure and of power" (p.184). The above example presented evidence that subculture of fashion and music was a departure from the frame of cultural contexts and values. Fashion and Music: A Postmodern Construct The youth category on cultural and sociological research lacks appropriate definition and orientation. The classification of youth can differ from culture to culture. For example, preadolescent individuals and people in their 30's and 40's may comprise the youth sector of a given cultural context. The distinction may also be derived from chronology or cultural position (Bucholtz 2002,p.526). The youth represents a segment of society that many sociologists and anthropologists consider as innovative. The youth may work inside or outside the system depending on the situation. Traditional views consider the youth subculture were consequences of the working-class consciousness where emergent subculture was "authentic and in the first instance at least uncontaminated by an avaricious commercial culture" (Mcrobbie 1994, p.179). The presumption is no longer applicable as today's complex social systems of mass media, commercial culture and the state (p.179). The proliferation of fashion and music purported to be rebellious expression of the youth against control and authority would in fact be more congruent with Michle Barrett's observation that youth subculture is a product of "turn[ing] to culture and the 'processes of symbolization'" (p.179)

Sociology and Biological Determinism Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Sociology and Biological Determinism - Essay Example Before the hormones were found in the early 1920s, scientists believed that sex differences arose from physiologically active substances - the talented women had high level of masculine genes. If the early 20th century such assumptions were logical, today biological determinism fails both in terms of sociology and biology. Contemporary neuroendocrinologists disagree with the key assumptions of biological determinism and point out that the idea of sex hormones is completely misleading (Miller 2000). The characteristics the society attributed to masculinity and femininity are not reflections of biological processes. Gould noted that the critique of biological determinism is timeless and timely at the same time. It is timeless because biological determinism is based on deep errors. It is timely because the same arguments about biological determinism arise at all times (Gould 1999). The first problem with biological determinism as the explanation of social factors (in particular, differentiating between masculine and feminine features) is the misleading name. Biological concept can refer either to evolutionary psychology (brain being not the learning machine shaped by culture, but having the innate skills and predispositions endowed by natural selection. Further, biological determinism is focused on the large group of people (differences between men and women or between the races). Finally, biological determinism fails to address the question of individual genetic destiny - how much of intelligence are heritable and how much of phobias are shaped by the culture and experiences (Johnson 2002). The idea that we are a mix of nature and nurture would seem to be common sense by now. Beyond the basic support systems - breathing, excreting - human personalities are the product of social existence, arriving courtesy of parents, teachers, peer groups, media, dominant id eologies and cultural norms: the product, in other words, of history, both personal and public. Biological determinism limits the human mind purely to abstract learning machines. Sure, all people share the same body plan and probably might have similar DNA to chimpanzee, however, the human brain is another matter. "Natural selection works to homogenize a species into a standard overall design by concentrating the effective genes--the ones that build well-functioning organs--and winnowing out the ineffective ones. Just as we all have the same physical organs, we have the same mental organs" (Johnson 2002, p. 12). This is most obvious in the case of language, where every neurologically intact child is equipped to acquire any human language; but it is true of other parts of the mind as well. Discarding the blank slate has thrown far more light on the psychological unity of humankind than on any differences. Of course, some of the assumptions underlining the biological determinism theory can be referred to as logical. In particular, men might prove to be on average better mathematician than women, while women prove to be more accomplished at the social interactions. Nevertheless, it is important to remember that biological determinism is based on average assumptions: men on average are more prone to violence than women, but any given woman might well be more violent

Evacuation Sources Questions Essay Example for Free

Evacuation Sources Questions Essay Well, to answer this question I must first analyse both the sources, source B is a picture depicting what seems to be a class of evacuees and their teacher walking down the road, probably to the train station to be evacuated. The picture shows many of the children waving and smiling, and what seems like a lot of them skipping, showing them being happy about being evacuated. Being a photograph, it is quite unlikely that it has been changed in any way, or staged to show the children being happy, as the scene seems quite natural. However it is still possible that it was staged by the government at the time to encourage people not to resist evacuating their children, this would be done by showing the children happy and carefree, not afraid or worried about it. Also the picture was taken at the start of the war, when not many people had been evacuated, at this time the children and their families may not know exactly where they were going, and may have treated it like a holiday, so therefore they probably wouldnt be to afraid about what was happening. So, overall this source is quite a useful source, but that of course depends on what for, it is useful for showing childrens reactions to being evacuated at the start of the war, however this wouldnt be useful for any time before or after this, limiting its usefulness. This also could, if it was a staged photograph by the government, be useful for showing what the government wanted people to think. Source C however is quite different to the previous source, this is an interview with a school teacher during the evacuation, in 1988, in this source, it offers a different view of the childrens feelings about being evacuated, in this source, it tells us that the children were afraid to talk, showing that they werent care or worry free about the situation. This source is primary evidence, as the person was there at the time, however this is taken in 1988, and the person could very well have forgotten some of the details of the evacuation, and therefore their memory of the event could be unreliable. However this might not be the case, and therefore it could be quite reliable. Overall, I think that source B is the most reliable, as it is a photograph taken at the time, and therefore the details of the situation would nearly definitely be correct, source C however is an account from memory and therefore the details could be wrong. Source D is a photograph taken by the government during the war of evacuees being bathed, it shows three bath tubs close together with all the children washing and laughing, this scene would be likely to give the impression that the children, and the places they went to were hygienic, this would lessen the worries of the childrens families, and also may convince more people to become host families, because the children here seem healthy, clean and happy, not dirty smelly children with bad manners, as was many peoples views of them. Also this may convince people to evacuate their children, as many families living in the cities were to poor to even bath their children, so this would be seen as an improvement in their lifestyle and living conditions. Also, if this picture was taken after around January 1940, when many evacuees returned, many of their reasons being that they felt they were better of at home, and that life with the host families was unhappy, or the parents believed this to be so, then this photograph could be being used by the government to convince families to keep their children with host families, that life out there wasnt as bad as it was made out to be. So overall I think that it really depends on when this photo was taken, which would determine why it was taken.

Our Ethical Duty to Prevent Child Abuse Essay -- Violence Against Chil

Beating children, chronically belittling them, using them for sexual gratification, or depriving them of the basic necessities of life are acts that cannot be permitted in a civilized society. Tolerating child abuse denies the worth of children as human beings. Each of us has a moral obligation to turn in a child abuser. In the United States, teachers are told to report child abuse to the Department of Community Services because the department has the responsibility and legal mandate to insure a child's safety, care, and welfare (Bender et al. 1). Why must this responsibility be separate among people who live in the same city and care for these children? The Department of Community Services (DCS) should not have to be concerned with the moral responsibility of protecting a child or doing everything correctly as to not violate a law. They should only have to be watching out for these children and find ways to stop child abuse. This needs to change by building a real community where everyone can feel active, involved, and as though they are making a difference. The presence of child abuse goes back as far as history can remember. It was present in such societies as Ancient Egypt and Rome. We remember these societies as being great and prosperous. On the down side child abuse was very common, and mostly by the elite who had the power and the gold. We also have cases of child abuse in the Church. And when the case of the child is over the priest is just sent away to another city to preach, with the chance of the abuse happening again. People need to speak out to stop this "higher Power" from getting away with such a hurtful crime (Pride 1). "The Social service ... ...ave no future if our children are treated worthlessly. Community is a big key here. And community needs to come together and fight against child abuse. Protection of children from harm is not just an ethical duty; it is a matter of national survival. Works Cited Bender, et al. Child Abuse-Opposing Viewpoints. San Diego CA, Green haven Press Inc., 2004. Jackson, Valerie. Racism and Child Protection-The Black Experience of Child Sexual Abuse. London: Cassell Press, 2011. Kalichman, Seth C. Mandated Reporting of Suspected Child Abuse, Ethics, Law, and Policy. Washington DC: APA, 2005. Pride, Mary. The Child Abuse Industry. Illinois: Crossway Books, 2009. http://www.alex.edfac.usyd.edu.au/LocalResources/DepartPol/Childprotect/Child%20prot%20html#index. Roystone, Jennifer. All of our Children. 2008. http://www.vcuethics.org/

My Goal of Teaching Essay -- College Admissions Essays

To state that my goal is to become a teacher in the primary grades of elementary school is somewhat like writing a one-sentence synopsis of an intricate and wonderful dream. In Webster's Dictionary the word "goal" is defined as: "A point towards which effort or movement is directed; the objective point or terminus that one is striving to reach; the end aimed at." In each of the definitions the aim of the goal is stagnant. My goal of teaching feels much more like a living thing. I would define it more as a journey than a goal. I do not remember a time when I was not interested in becoming a teacher. Although I followed a different career path when I was young, I never let go of my dream to teach. For various reasons it was pushed to the back of my consciousness and seemingly forgotten. But for the past seventeen years, since the birth of my first child, my life has been intertwined with children and my desire to teach has been rekindled. I started out working with my own children. As they grew so did I. My interaction with kids progressed to include their new friends and ult...

Marketing and Soft Drink Concentrate Essay

The brand Rasna is owned by Pioma Industries that introduced the concept of Soft Drink Concentrate (SDC), a segment that had been created and nurtured by the company in the Indian beverages Market. The brand was originally launched by the name of ‘Jaffe’ in 1976 and marketed with the help of Voltas, but was renamed to ‘Rasna’ in 1979. When the product did not do as well as it was expected, in 1983, the advertising was handed over to an advertising agency named Mudra Communications Ltd. Pioma Industries Limited is perhaps not a familiar name for the average Indian consumer. But Pioma’s brand Rasna is very well known. In fact, the name Rasna is almost a generic name for soft drink concentrates in Indian beverages market. Rasna’s extremely popular advertisements with the tagline â€Å"I love you Rasna† had become an integral part of the Indian advertising folklore. In March, 2002, Pioma announced a radical overhauling of its strategies for the Rasna Brand. This development was rather unexpected, as the brand had been lying dormant since long. Rasna is the market leader in the 250 Crore Indian soft drink concentrate industry. The SDC industry is miniscule compared to the 5000 crore carbonated soft drink industry (CSD). The powdered soft drink concentrate industry is worth around 90 crore. During the ‘80s, Soft Drink Concentrate (SDC) was not a known concept. For the consumers, Soft Drinks were just the aerated drinks which could be purchased in bottles and were usually consumed outdoors. Rasna came, and changed the whole mind set. COMPETITORS IN THE MARKET As the pioneers in Concentrated Soft Drink Industry in India, Rasna, never had to face any threatening from any of its competitors, be it a global player or a small local company. Powder concentrate occupy 85% of the total soft drinks concentrate market. Here, in this study, we are considering both Powder and Syrup CSD as competition for the Brand Rasna. Following are some of the competitors who tried to make their mark in the 250 Crore Indian soft drink concentrate industry: 1. Tang- Kraft Foods. 2. Sunfill- Coca Cola. 3. Fanta Fun Times- Coca Cola. 4. Sugarfree D’lite- Zydus Cadila. 5. Kissan Mr Fruit- Hindustan Unilever. The journey of a brand is not always easy. The market is very dynamic and a brand needs to keep a track of the changes in the market. Rasna had to face such challenges too. But it is the resurrection this brand has shown, through strategic marketing, in all instances that makes it stand out and lead the market. MARKET SHARE Rasna has always been recognised at large for Brand and Company. It ranks No.1 in the beverages category as â€Å"Most Trusted Brand of India†. It is listed among the top 15 brands in the country. It was awarded as the most preferred brand in the SDC category at the FMCG Most Preferred Awards 2003 and 2004 and Consumer World Award 2004. It has pioneered not only with its strong marketing strategies but also with its proper scaled distribution chain. Rasna has always concentrated on its marketing and brand building and has achieved an expertise in flavour technology. Its efficient management in production and market environments has harnessed to bring to the global consumers, technologically superior products in fruits, vegetables, beverages and confectioneries and to stand as the leader in processed food industry. Rasna has adequate and in-depth knowledge and information on Market sizes and behaviours, Growth prospects, Project Viabilities, Government Policies, Finances etc. and access to more, enabling the company to respond fast to any proposal with suitable recommendation. It believes that there is a huge and emerging market for Rasna’s kind of product range, all over the world. Rasna is capable of managing global sized manufacturing set-ups working on the most advanced technologies to cater to the huge markets, locally and globally. Rasna has managed to dominate the colossal SDC market because of its massive International operations. One of Rasna’s biggest strength is its marketing and sales set-up, through which millions of customers worldwide is experiencing the flavour of satisfaction. It provides a strong and pro-active marketing support to its distributors and importers around the world- just so that their products stand out and apart on the shelves. Timely delivery schedules of its products anywhere in the world are what have helped them to reach a strong position in the global market. Rasna has its offices in the following countries: * USA and Canada * UK and Europe * Saudi Arabia * Russia * Fiji This strong chain of distribution to large number of countries within a stipulated period of time has helped the brand gain a reputation in the market. It has also helped Rasna in creating enormous business relations all over the globe. The countries which imports Rasna products globally are as under: In recent years, the brand has had to face off challenges, though not from its direct competitors. International soft drink giants like Coca-Cola (Sunfill) and Kraft Foods (Tang) have introduced competitor products in the market. PepsiCo India too is gearing to launch a glucose-based ready-to-drink beverage under the Lehar brand that will be sold at price point of Rs.5 for a 200 ml stock-keeping unit. All of them have deep marketing pockets and standard products to lure customers away from Rasna. Even the profile of Rasna’s target audience is changing. Kids today are a lot more aware, and their parents don’t mind buying more expensive ready-to-drink products, which the MNCs have. But, true to its entrepreneurial spirit, Rasna is not about to give any ground to its rivals. Though some analysts feel that Rasna has been slow to react to the competition, Piruz Khambatta, Chairman, Rasna, still dismisses the challenge saying â€Å"water is our only competition.† According to the 2010 data, Rasna leads the SDC market. The market shares of Rasna and all the competitors are as follows: * Rasna- 97.2 % * Coca-Cola’s Sunfill – 2% * Sugarfree D’lite- 0.2% * Kissan Mr Fruit- 0.1% and * Tang- 0.5%. COMPARTIVE STUDY ON 4 Ps SCALE The Marketing Mix: Here in this study of the Brand Rasna, we are comparing the brand with its competitors available in the market on the scale of the 4 Ps. The 4 Ps of the marketing mix are: 1. Product. 2. Price. 3. Promotion. 4. Place. Product Line of Rasna: Rasna began with 9 flavours in 1982, and added the 10th in the year 1987. The company was revamped in the year 2002. * In 2002, Rasna changed its look and came up with a new logo. * The tagline of the company was also changed and with a new tagline â€Å"Relish a Gain†, Rasna has tried a deep penetration in the rural and semi-urban market. The Price of Rasna: Accessing all socio-economic class: Rasna’s sole goal has been always to make profit with the volume sale. The pricing strategy has always been the key of Rasna’s success. It targeted the mass rather than the class. * Rasna has always made its products in such a way that it can be accessible to all socio-economic classes. * Its volume sale starts at as low as 1 popular in the name of 1 ka 2. * The added sugar product Rasna Frootplus starts from 2 and goes up to 105 for the family pack. * The box pack has a starting price of 10 which can make 12 glasses of drink and is known popularly as 10 ka 12. * The family box pack is available at 35 which is enough for 32 glasses of water. * Rasna has some skus which are very interesting for regular use. The air tight jar has different pack size with price range starting from Rs.75. The company is constantly focussing on the rural market of India. So, accurate pricing is very important for the company’s growth. For Rasna, accurate pricing has been the key growth driver. They understood that the Indian market is highly segmented. And making products targeting each segment has helped a lot. Whereas pricing has been the key growth factor for Rasna, the competitors have not been able to enjoy that benefit of pricing. Only Tang is available at a sachet of 2 which is again meant for making 1 glass of drink. Likewise, the other competitors cannot even come close to the pricing strategy of Rasna. Promotion: Adding an Emotional Touch: Rasna has from its inception relied heavily on advertisement. The famous mass media campaign, â€Å"I love you Rasna† was one of India’s longest running TV ad. * The promotion of Rasna always highlighted a strong connection with its customers through brand association. * Rasna has always created a brand value by emotionally attaching the customer to their brand. * Focus of the promotion is always to promote the quality of Rasna. * Rasna spends a lot on Research on the target audience, and promotes there products accordingly. * Rasna has used child characters in their advertising campaigns, and through them the company emphasised on the quality of products which was an effective way of promotion. * Rasna has done a great deal to understand the pain of summer and to deliver a product which will ease the pain. This kind of unique and innovative marketing ideas and campaigns made Rasna the monopoly in the Soft Drink Concentrate industry till the time the competitors entered the market. Even now, no brand has been able to beat the promotional campaigns of Rasna. Going by the set standards of Rasna, we can say that the competitors have spent very less time and money understanding the Indian market and the promotional activities that works in the India. Place: Distribution Channel of Rasna: The distribution channel of Rasna follows 3 to 5 tier architecture. It follows the Super-Sub concept of distribution. The steps are as follows: 1. First the product produced in a factory which is strategically located to minimise the transportation cost. 2. The packed product is sent to various company depots across the country to distribute and meet the respective market demand. 3. From the company depot, the product is delivered to the different super stockists according to their previously placed order. 4. Then the goods are sent to the sub stockists or in some cases to the wholesale store. 5. The secondary sale from the super stockist or the sub stockist is ensured by the constant monitoring by the company personal. Rasna follows different distribution channel model according to local market demand. But for every model the end goal of the company is to deliver a quality product to the end user. With a distribution channel consisting of 35 depots across the country and 1.8 million retail outlets Rasna is bound to be the leader. Among the competitors the only one that has a good and competitive network of distribution is Sunfill by Coca Cola, but still they are not able to compete as availability with retailers is not as widespread as Rasna. COMPETITIVE ADVANTAGE The competitive advantages of Rasna are listed below: * Being the Pioneer in the market Rasna is well known and very much trusted in the Indian market. * Being in the market for a long time, Rasna knows the Indian taste the best. * Having 7 state of the art production units across the country, the production is never disturbed for any reason. * Because of the widespread distribution network, it is more close to the public. * The marketing strategies used by the company are of superior standard. * Last but not the least, the pricing of the product, which is so low that it is affordable by the lowest segment of the pyramid also. The competitive advantages of Tang are: * Being one of the largest brands of the world, Tang has the sustainability even if it is hit at the beginning. * Tang is available in variety of flavours based on local consumer’s preference. * Tang is fortified with vitamins and minerals. * It is available as powdered and ready to drink bottles. * The powdered Tang is available at low cost. The Competitive advantages of Sunfill are: * Being a brand owned by Coca Cola, the distribution cost is cheaper, so can offer the product at a low and competitive price. * The taste is superior compared to other competitive brands. * Setting up of a production unit close to the target customer segment will help in better marketing. * The company can spend substantial amount on advertising and promotion. The Competitive advantages of Sugarfree D’lite are: * It is a brand owned by a medical company, so people have trust in the product. * It contains no sugar, so it is healthier. * Has medicinal advantages. * Helps in controlling blood sugar level, at the same time gives the pleasures of a soft drink. The Competitive advantages of Kissan Mr. fruit are: * It is there in the market for a long time, so knows the customer taste and preferences. * Tastier than many of the competitor products. * Supply chain is quite strong as it’s a product owned by Hindustan Unilever. SUGGESTIONS FOR GAINING UPPER MARKET SHARE As we conclude the study on the No.1 Soft Drink Concentrate in India, Rasna, I have the following suggestions to make so that the company can gain more market share and continue to be the leader of the industry: Product- In terms of product, the following can be done: 1. Try to minimise waste in production, so that the cost of production comes down further. 2. Venture into new products, like ready to drink bottled drinks. 3. Try producing sugar free products so that even a diabetic patient can enjoy the drinks. 4. Health drinks and energy drinks is another field where the company can venture into. 5. Backward integration is another option that can be suggested to minimise the cost of production. Price- the Company can be more price effective and in turn can gain more market share if, 1. More products are offered in the lower price category. 2. Price be reduced for the larger quantity cartons or bottles. 3. New and introductory products are sold for lesser price so that people are interested in trying the new things. Promotion- In terms of promotion, the company can follow the following suggestions: 1. Use newer and cheaper modes of advertisement, like the social networking sites. 2. Spend more on Banners, posters, Hoardings. 3. Stop the use of sportspersons and celebrities, as the same doesn’t have a long standing effect on the general public. 4. Remove the time lag between the promotion and the availability of new products in the market. Place- Place plays a vital role in the success of a company or a brand. The following are my recommendations for improving the market share: 1. Go to the newer potential places which have not been tapped earlier. 2. The untimely dispatch of goods from the depot to the super stockist needs to be taken care of as it may lead to cancellation of order bookings. 3. Unavailability of goods at certain periods needs to be taken care of with a proper distribution control. 4. Promotional events along with the distribution of brochures, stickers and leaflets should be done through sub-stockists and retailers which will help in increasing the brand value. ___________________________________________________________ References: During the preparation of this project, help and references has been taken from many web sites and blogs and articles. They are mentioned here: -Rasna Pvt Ltd. Official site. -Wikipedia-the free encyclopaedia -Puneet Tandon Blogs -Economic Times -Times of India Articles -4psbusinessand marketing.com

Bristol and Liverpool: the Demise and Rise of Rival Ports in the Eighteenth Century Slave Trade.

Bristol and Liverpool: The demise and rise of rival ports in the eighteenth century slave trade. In the early eighteenth century, Bristol’s dominant position as a slave trading port remained virtually unchallenged. Yet, by the end of the century, Liverpool firmly established its status as Britain’s leading slave trading port, surpassing Bristol completely. Despite some similarities between the rival ports, a number of factors, decisions and circumstances serve to explain Liverpool’s magnificent rise and Bristol’s consequent demise. The ports differing geographical locations, markets, trade goods, vessels, voyages and war impacts all played a role in Liverpool’s subversion of Bristol. The decision-making and business capabilities of the merchants also proved influential in the developments of the ports. This essay argues that most importantly, the Bristolian merchants’ poor economic and market decisions, compared with the exceptional business acumen of Liverpudlian merchants, sealed the fate of both ports. Bristol’s geographical location and new parliamentary legislation acted favourably to propel the town into the slave trade. The location of the River Severn and Bristol Channel encouraged early involvement in trade over the waterways, stimulating the development of the port city. Contributions to Atlantic trade also initiated Bristol’s role in the sugar trade, following the capture of Jamaica in 1655. [1] However, increased competition in the trade of sugar thrust Bristol merchants into the trade of slaves. An Act passed in 1698 further encouraged Bristol’s participation in slave trading, stating that any subject of Great Britain could trade to any part of Africa â€Å"between Cape Blanco and the Cape of Good Hope†, successfully ending the London Company’s monopoly. 2] Bristol’s geography served to hinder the port’s trading ability, mainly due to difficulties in navigating the meandering River Avon, its wide tidal range, and industrial waste in the river. Geographical location and legislation also contributed to Liverpool’s commencement in the slave trade. Located on the coast in northwest England, Liverpool benefited from close proximity to many industrial and textile producing centres such as Manchester, Birmingham and Sheffield. A network of rivers, including the River Mersey, made the port easily accessible to the many incoming and outgoing vessels. 3] The Isle of Man provided a useful off shore base, allowing for trade with Ireland and entry into the contraband trade with Spain. The Grenville Treaty of 1747 soon ended this arrangement, forcing Liverpudlian merchants to consider new options for trade. Utilizing the knowledge and wealth gained from contraband trade, the merchants developed vessels and goods specially suited to the African market, putting them towards gaining entrance to the slave trade. [4] Small vessels and on board slave revolts lessened the slave carrying capacity and efficiency of Bristol merchants ships. The smaller size of Bristol vessels perhaps resulted from the winding nature of the River Avon, with navigation difficult for larger ships. The period 1727 to 1769 provides an example of seventy Bristol vessels, one at fifty tons, thirteen at fifty-one to seventy-one tons, and thirty-eight at seventy-six to one hundred tons. [5] Even before Liverpool’s rise, London outshone Bristol in tonnage, 5,925 tons to 4,250 tons at a value of 137,000 to 98,820 pounds Stirling. [6] The origins of slaves purchased by Bristolians, coupled with lengthy on shore waiting times for slave deliveries, both reduced carrying capacity and efficiency of vessels. A concentration of suicide prone Ibo slaves and rebellious Ibibio slaves caused many problems. Consequently, merchants received instruction to shackle and bolt slaves from the popular Bight of Biafra region, to reduce the loss of slaves on board vessels. [7] Liverpool merchants similarly witnessed slave revolts, but they experienced superior carrying capacity and efficiency of vessels. Liverpool specialised in manufacturing fast slaving vessels in the docks of the River Mersey. [8] Liverpool’s carrying capacity far exceeded that of Bristol, as demonstrated in the 1100 ton Kent of 1773, the largest ship built in Northern England. 9] Such large ships and the capacity of five slaves per two tons, allowed for maximum vessel efficiency, and in 1753, 101 Liverpool vessels managed to carry over 30,000 slaves to the Americas. Poor vessel conditions for slaves resulted from maximising carrying capacities, and up to a third of slaves died. [10] One renowned incident on board the Zong di splays how captains attempted to avoid the loss of slaves: Captain Collingwood threw 132 sickly slaves overboard in order to claim insurance, rather than risk not selling them in the Americas. 11] Unbearable conditions on board also resulted in increased mutinies between 1751 and 1775, which Mannix and Cowley attribute to ruthless Liverpudlians’ efforts to save money by reducing the size of crews on vessels. [12] Slaving voyages and their destinations impacted greatly on Bristol’s attempts to gain prominence in the slave trade. Bristol’s shorter voyage time gave merchants a distinct advantage over London, and until the 1730s most Bristol voyages travelled to the Bight of Biafra where they encountered little competition. 13] Most Bristol voyages targeted Old Calabar, which oversupplied male slaves, leading to many trading failures. Merchants such as James Rogers only managed a delivery rate of seventy-three per cent from this region. [14] Bristol destination choi ces remained conservative, including Angola and the Gold Coast, despite increasing competition there from Liverpool. [15] The rise of Liverpool caused a vast reduction in voyages made by Bristolians. Jamaican voyages fell from sixty-nine to twenty-five per cent from 1728 to 1730. [16] As a result, the period of 1786 to 1807 produced only 240 voyages, compared with 2,473 from Liverpool. 17] Voyages direct to Jamaica became a common trend by 1750, with 104 trips taking place between 1749 and 1755, compared with seventy-four voyages following various triangle trade patterns. [18] Liverpool merchants achieved more numerous and varied voyages and destinations compared with Bristol. Liverpool’s first slave trade voyage departed in 1708, which is a much later entry than Bristol. Despite Bristol’s early advantage and established market destinations, Liverpool succeeded in creating new slaving destinations in areas such as Sierra Leone, Cameroon and Gabon. 19] In contrast with Bristol’s prioritisation of the region, only one voyage took place to Old Calabar in 1793 out of forty-seven voyages, instead thirty-six sailed to Angola where slaves were much more desirable. [20] In 1771 alone, 105 vessels travelled to Africa, obtaining 28,200 slaves. [21] In Jamaica, Liverpool trade comprised seventy-four per cent of delivered slaves and seventy-two per cent of visiting vessels. Liverpool’s dominant presence at Atlantic slave trade destinations displays the port’s numerous options, and their lack of presence at the unpopular sites displays their competent business choices. The choice of trade goods further influenced Bristol’s success as a slave trading port. James Rogers' voyages, perhaps not entirely typical of Bristol trading, provided African merchants with East Indian and English textiles, bar iron, gunpowder, beads, hardware and liquor. [22] Other Bristol merchants traded with refined sugar, haberdashery, window glass, bottled beer, wrought iron, woollens, copper and brass, in return for slaves. Wales generally provided the tin and iron for Bristol’s supplies. 23] Once in Africa, in addition to slaves, Bristol merchants requested items such as wax, ivory and redwood, either for sale in the Americas or back in Bristol. [24] Interestingly, Bristolians sent little linen to the African coast in comparison with other slave trading ports. [25] Linen stood as a leading commodity in Liverpool’s choice of trading goods, giving the port a considerable advantage over Bristol. Linen formed ninety-one per cent of all British exports to No rth America and West Africa, which Liverpool benefited from due to its easy acquisition of Lancashire cottons and Manchester textiles. 26] Manchester’s provision of checks and silk handkerchiefs contributed to the expulsion of Bristol’s German, French and Scottish textiles from the market. [27] In addition to linen, Liverpool traded copper and brass from Staffordshire, salt from Cheshire, and firearms from Birmingham. Liverpool also re-exported a number of goods from East India, such as Chintz, glass beads, cotton and calicoes. [28] The careful assortment of trade goods meant numerous colonies demanded trade with Liverpool. A number of international conflicts severely hindered Bristol’s progress in the slave trade. Throughout the eighteenth century conflicts existed with France, Spain and America. Bristol’s location in relation to the Bristol Channel meant a great number of vessels were lost to french privateers. [29] Consequently, Bristol successfully turned to privateering during the Spanish Succession from 1702 to 1713. The capture of over seventeen of its vessels by the Spaniards deepened Bristol’s involvement in privateering further during the Seven Years War (1756 to 1763). Trade with the West Indies suffered in consequence, due to the heavy amount of investment in privateers. 30] The American War of Independence and subsequent loss of American colonies hampered the triangular trade, which Bristolians heavily relied on. Shipping from the United States dropped from approximately 21,202 tons in 1773-7 to 12,326 in 1778-80. [31] Bristol’s slave trade experienced war in an entirely negative way during this period. On the other hand, Liverpool made substantial gains from G reat Britain’s involvement in international conflicts. Williamson, an observer of the War of the Austrian Succession 1739 to 1748, stated that: â€Å"trade flourished and spread her golden wings so extensively that if they had ossessed it seven years longer, it would have enlarged the size and riches of the town to a prodigious degree†[32] Involvement in conflicts meant that the dockyards on the River Mersey fitted out many ships in order to fill the void left by Bristol’s departure from trade. Slave trading voyages increased considerably during the wars, and vessels successfully avoided meeting French privateers due to Liverpool’s advantageous geographical location. War also enabled Liverpool merchants to take advantage of price differentials between England and the colonies. Profits inevitably resulted, which contrasts starkly with Bristol’s experience of the wars. [33] Vast potential existed for profit in the slave trade, yet when factoring in costs, Bristol struggled to reap the benefits of the system. Loss of slaves in the middle passage presented one expense, as Captain Black’s letter to James Rogers depicted. His voyage lost thirteen female slaves, fifty-six males and sixteen sailors. [34] Bristol merchants also paid generous wages, commissions and financial incentives to captains and slave sellers in order to ensure a loyal partnership. 35] When Robert Thiennison’s brother, a cook on Rogers’ Pearle, died, he requested wages of 55 shillings for a month’s work, revealing the high wages paid by Bristolians. High duties also frustrated Bristol merchants, especially those on tobacco, which is something they specialised in. [36] David Richardson offers an estimated return of 7. 8 to 19. 8 per cent on Bristol voyages, ho wever Rogers’ voyages barely managed three per cent profit, and the highest estimate still comes in lower than the profits made by Liverpudlians. 37] Liverpudlian merchants made significantly higher profits in the slave trade, primarily due to cunning commercial decisions. Manipulated stock records enabled merchants to avoid paying duties on up to twenty per cent of the tobacco shipped into the port. [38] Proposed estimates suggest that 100-ton ships returned profits of 750 pounds Stirling based on five Negroes per two tons. [39] The Liverpool vessel Lively produced a 300 per cent profit in 1737, but most voyages secured around ten per cent profit, which barely proved sufficient considering the risks involved in slaving. 40] One particular Liverpool voyage achieved a profit of 8000 pounds Stirling (before deductions for victuals and trade goods), with costs approximately comprising duties of 134 pounds, Doctor wages of thirteen pounds, Captain salary of 4 pounds per 104 made on total returns, and commission costs of 454 pounds Stirling. [41] Liverpudlians clearly possessed a unique capability to make large profits, despite mounting costs. The merchant oligarchy of Bristol overlooked crucial investments in port facilities in favour of spending profits on luxurious lifestyles, proving detrimental to their trade accomplishments. Instead, investments centred around the urban â€Å"renaissance† taking place in the city, rather than focusing on shifting towards industrialisation[42]. Prioritising Caribbean ventures over local industrial schemes demonstrates a further hindrance to the development of Bristol. [43] It appears that Bristolians’ preferences centred on funding a lifestyle founded on wealth and consumption, reflected in the growing local demand for sugar and tobacco. Furthermore, Bristol did not invest in the port until the nineteenth century, when developments included a floating harbour, which proved highly inefficient also. 44] Comparatively, the port of Liverpool received extensive urban development as a result of profits made in the slave trade. The city underwent considerable expansion and urban growth, facilitating merchants’ ability to exploit the Atlantic trade system and various markets. The city’s wealth stemmed from the merchants, hence their control over city d evelopments. Subsequently, profits funded financial structures and transport networks including canals, enabling Liverpool to maintain control over sources of goods such as the salt of Cheshire. 45] Investment in the docklands proved most influential, earning Liverpool the title of largest ship construction site in England, with sixty-one of the 161 English-built slave vessels manufactured in Liverpool. [46] The swift response to mercantile needs and construction of the Midlands canal network resulted in the shipment of valuable, high demand trade goods to Liverpool, not Bristol. A notable shift in Bristol’s priorities may account for Liverpool’s eclipse of Bristol as the leading slave trading port in England. The transition to specialisation in the sugar trade proves the most convincing causal factor in the reduced role in slave trading. The Bristolian pleasures derived from sugar, tobacco and snuff consumption drove merchants to focus on supplying the domestic market with what locals demanded. [47] The sugar industry thrived in Bristol, which is reinforced by the sustained existence of twenty sugarhouses between 1720 and 1775. [48] Tobacco and sugar faced restrictions regarding direct trade to foreign countries, perhaps further encouraging Bristolians to cater to local markets. 49] One argument proposes that Bristol became more conservative, simply preferring safer, more profitable trade options as they arose. A Jamaican agent noted that â€Å"Bristol†¦is rich enough, but don’t care to launch out much†. John Wesley, an abolitionist, also observed Bristol’s â€Å"love of money and ease†. [50] The increasing abolitionist environment and comparative ease of the sugar trade perhaps rendered the Bristolians content with exiting the slave trade. The lack of familial slaving dynasties and a reluctance to engage in mercantile competition with close ties offer two further justifications for Bristol’s demise in the slave trade. Bristol failed to secure dynasties through which to pass commercial knowledge and wealth to, mainly because eighteen of the leading twenty-five Bristol merchants died as bachelors. Encouraging others to continue the slave trade proved particularly difficult. The problems faced in re-exporting tobacco presented one deterrent, and the inevitable encounters with disease on the African coast and challenges in securing return goods also discouraged new entrants to the trade. [51] Bristol merchants tended to form strong, friendly connections with fellow traders, making ruthless competition difficult. To â€Å"wage war† against familial, banking or residential associates would destroy useful connections and jeopardise one’s reputation. [52] Liverpool merchants, on the other hand, formed strong bonds and maintained family dynasties, but did not refrain from competition, further enhancing their prominence. [53] The Bristol merchants experienced limitations in available market options, which presented a sizeable obstacle to success in the slave trade. Bristol traders lacked the vital trade goods necessary for securing demand from markets that would stock vessels with healthy slaves from desirable locations. Merchants such as Rogers tended to focus on Jamaica and Grenada to sell their slaves, places whose markets displayed an aversion to slaves from Old Calabar due to their poor health and high mortality. [54] These detrimental oversights in buying unsuitable slave cargoes and being unaware of the slave preferences at plantations provided great motivation to move away from trading in slaves. Bristol persisted in trading commodities with Jamaica, South Carolina and Charlestown, however they gained no advantage over Liverpool or even London. 55] Furthermore, Bristol failed to respond to new markets such as the Ceded Islands including Dominica and St Vincent, leaving the opportunity wide open for Liverpool. Liverpool slave traders successfully seized every new market opportunity that arose, providing numerous market options for the diverse trade goods they supplied. After trade opened up in 1750, Liverpool launched into trade with Upper Guinea and other markets in America, where they made g ains over Bristol. 56] Liverpool also possessed advantageous contacts throughout the West African coast, especially Sierra Leone. [57] In contrast to Bristol, Liverpool concentrated on lesser markets such as Barbados and the Leeward Islands. Barbados supplied over fifty per cent of Liverpool’s imports after 1735, closely followed by Chesapeake, the Leeward Islands and Jamaica. The range of trade goods supplied, and entrance into the trade at a time of colonial economy deceleration also enabled Liverpool merchants to almost monopolise the Anglo-American commercial market. 58] Liverpool merchants conducted business on the coast of Africa from the Senegal River to Ambriz[59], where healthy slave populations attribute to the demand for Liverpool commerce in a vast number of West Indian locations. With so many options for destinations to conduct trade with slaves, it is unsurprising that Liverpool ousted the port of Bristol from its dominant position. Despite the numerous causes a ttributed to the demise of Bristol, the inability of merchants to make economical, competent business decisions ultimately present the most significant explanations. Bristolians paid munificent salaries to captains and crew, as well as allowing privileges, daily charges and commission payments. Captains ate and drank excessively on shore, eroding profits considerably. Less profit also resulted from fully manning vessels, with the knock on effect of needing to charge more for slaves. [60] Bristol merchants found themselves outbid for slaves in Old Calabar, driving them to purchase unhealthy slaves. Their condition worsened further due to cheap provisions on board. [61] Consequently, prices achieved in the Americas for slaves were lower. The Bristol merchants justifiably earned a reputation as extravagant and unbusinesslike squanderers, who treated their Captains like â€Å"young gentlemen on the Grand Tour†. [62] A credit crisis in 1793 caused many merchants to go bankrupt, putting an end to the slave trade for the majority of Bristolians. [63] The lack of business acumen amongst Bristol merchants proved detrimental to their success. Conversely, the business expertise and economical ability of Liverpudlian merchants secured the city’s title of the most successful slave trading port in Europe. Liverpool merchants trained their crew better, paid lower wages, and minimized outfitting costs. Additionally, merchants were economical by paying wages annually not monthly, and refusing cabin privileges, primages and port allowances. For example, crew ate salt beef and drank rum punch on board their vessel, compared with Bristol crewmembers’ excessive drinking of Madeira on shore. [64] Low expenditure enabled Liverpudlians to sell slaves for four to five pounds Stirling less than other traders, underselling Bristolians considerably. 65] Accepting Bills of Exchange avoided reliance on return goods for payment, giving flexibility to merchants, which allowed them to return direct to Africa to embark more slaves. Liverpool merchants skilfully evaded customs administrators by importing â€Å"damaged† and therefore duty free goods, and disembarking â€Å"underweight† hogsheads, only to re-export them at heavier weights. [66] These tricks meant payment of less duty ta x, maximising profits. Resourceful and imaginative actions and decisions thrust Liverpool to record heights never reached by Bristol in the slave trade. Liverpool’s skilful rise to prominence in the slave trade undoubtedly provides explanation for Bristol’s demise from a once eminent slave trading port. Geographical location, vessel size, voyages, trade goods, international conflicts, market destinations, and urban development all provide convincing explanations of Bristol’s fall from the position of leading British port. However, problems could easily have been overcome or averted had the Bristol merchants possessed strong business capability, judgement skills and knowledge. Perhaps Bristol’s priorities did shift toward catering for the domestic market. Nevertheless, the Bristolians’ lack of skills and knowledge, so clearly possessed by Liverpool merchants, sealed Bristol’s demise from a once world-leading slaving port to an average sugar-importing town. Liverpool on the other hand, traded slaves on such a grand scale that it secured its position amongst Europe’s leading port towns far beyond the abolition of the slave trade. Word Count: 3,258 BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources An account of the ships employed in the African trade, from the ports of London and Bristol, belonging to the separate traders to Africa; with the value of the said ships and cargoes, and the number of Negroes usually carried by the said ships, London, 1713, Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. Captain W. Black of the Ship Jupiter to James Rogers, owner of The Jupiter, 20th August 1790, James Rogers Papers, Public Record Office, C/107/12, http://www. englandpast. net/education/. Great Britain, Parliament, An act for the better improvement of the trade to Africa, by establishing a regulated company, London, 1708, Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. Letter To Captain Richard Prankard commander of the Unity Snow to Angola, Bristol, 29 January 1732, Bristol Central Reference Library, The Jefferies Collection: Volume 13, http://www. englandpast. net/education/. Letter from Robert Thiennison (? ) to James Rogers, slave ship owner concerning his brother who was a ship’s cook on the Pearl, Mr. Rogers London 15 August, 1786, Public Record Office, C107/8, http://www. englandpast. et/education/. Secondary Sources Behrendt, Stephen D. , â€Å"Markets, Transaction Cycles, and Profits: Merchant Decision Making in the British Slave Trade†, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 1, 2001, pp. 171-204. Behrendt, Stephen D. , â€Å"The Annual Volume and Regional Distribution of the British slave trade, 1780-1807†, Journal of African Hi story, Vol. 38, 1997, pp. 187-211. Benezet, Anthony, Some historical account of Guinea, its situation, produce, and the general disposition of its inhabitants. With an inquiry into the rise and progress of the slave trade, its nature, and lamentable effects. Also a republication of the sentiments of several authors of note on this interesting subject: particularly an extract of a treatise written by Granville Sharpe, Philadelphia, 1771, http://www. gutenberg. org/files/11489/11489-h/11489-h. htm. Clarkson, Thomas, The history of the rise, progress, and accomplishment of the abolition of the African slave-trade by the British parliament, Vol. 1, London, 1808, http://www. gutenberg. org/files/12428/12428-8. txt. Clemens, Paul G. E. , â€Å"The Rise of Liverpool, 1665-1750†, The Economic History Review, Vol. 9, No. 2, 1976, pp. 211-225. Enfield, William. An essay towards the history of Leverpool, drawn up from papers left by the late Mr. George Perry, and from other materials since collected, by William Enfield. With views of the principal public structures, a chart of the harbour, and a map of the environ, 2nd Ed. , 1774. Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. Hyde, F. , Parkinson, B. , & Marriner, S. , â€Å"The Nature and Profitability of the Liverpool Slave Trade†, The Economic History Review, Vol. 5, No. 3, 1953, pp. 368-377. Jones, S. J. â€Å"The Growth of Bristol: The Regional Aspect of City Development†, Transactions and Papers (Institute of British Geographers), No. 11, 1946, pp. 57-83. Klein, Herbert S. , â€Å"The English Slave Trade to Jamaica, 1782-1808†, The Economic History Review, Vol. 31, No. 1, 1978, pp. 25-45. MacInnes, C. M. , â€Å"Bristol and the slave trade†, in Patrick McGrath (ed. ), Bristol in the Eighteenth Century, Newton Abbot, 1972. Mackenzie-Grive, Averil, The Last Years of the English Slave Trade: Liverpool, 1750-1807, London, 1941. Morgan, Kenneth, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, The English Historical Review, Vol. 07, No. 424, 1992, pp. 626-650. Morgan, Kenneth, â€Å"Bristol West India Merchants in the Eighteenth Century†, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Vol. 3, 1993, pp. 185- 208. Morgan, Kenneth, â€Å"James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade†, Historical Research, Vol. 76, No. 192, 2003, pp. 189-216. Morgan, Kenneth, â€Å"Shipping Patterns and the Atlantic Trade of Bristol, 1749-1770†, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 3. , 1989, pp. 506-538. Richardson, David, â€Å"Shipboard Revolts, African Authority, and the Atlantic Slave Trade†, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 8, No. 1, 2001, pp. 69-92. Richardson, David, â€Å"Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’†, Slavery and Abolition, Vol. 26, No. 1, 2005, pp. 35-54. Williams, Gomer, History of the Liverpool privateers and Letters of Marque: With an account of the Liverpool slave trade, London, 1897. Williams, Eric, â€Å"The Golden Age of the Slave System in Britain†, The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 25, No. 1, 1940, pp. 60-106. Websites Liverpool & The Slave Trade, http://www. liverpoolinpictures. com/Slavery_in_Liverpool. htm —à ¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€œ [1] S. J. Jones, â€Å"The Growth of Bristol: The Regional Aspect of City Development†, Transactions and Papers (Institute of British Geographers), No. 11, 1946, pp. 64; 71. [2] Great Britain, Parliament, An act for the better improvement of the trade to Africa, by establishing a regulated company, London, 1708, Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. [3] Eric Williams, â€Å"The Golden Age of the Slave System in Britain†, The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 25, No. 1, 1940, p. 67. [4] Gomer Williams, History of the Liverpool privateers and Letters of Marque: With an account of the Liverpool slave trade, London, 1897, pp. 67-468. [5] C. M. MacInnes, â€Å"Bristol and the slave trade†, in Patrick McGrath (ed. ), Bristol in the Eighteenth Century, Newton Abbot, 1972, p. 173. [6] An account of the ships employed in the African trade, London, 1713, Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. [7] David Richardson, â€Å"Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Gold en Age’†, Slavery and Abolition, Vol. 26, No. 1, 2005, p. 44; David Richardson, â€Å"Shipboard Revolts, African Authority, and the Atlantic Slave Trade†, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 1, 2001, pp. 74, 80. 8] Eric Williams, p. 69. [9] Averil Mackenzie-Grive, The Last Years of the English Slave Trade: Liverpool, 1750-1807, London, 1941, p. 16. [10] F. Hyde, B. Parkinson, & S. Marriner, â€Å"The Nature and Profitability of the Liverpool Slave Trade†, The Economic History Review, Vol. 5, No. 3, 1953, p372; Anthony Benezet, Some historical account of Guinea, Philadelphia, 1771. [11] Thomas Clarkson, The history of the rise, progress, and accomplishment of the abolition of the African slave-trade by the British parliament, Vol. 1, London, 1808. 12] David Richardson, â€Å"Shipboard Revolts, African Authority, and the Atlantic Slave Trade†, p. 77. [13] David Richardson, â€Å"Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’†, pp. 42-3. [14] Kenneth Morgan, â€Å"James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade†, Historical Research, Vol. 76, No. 192, 2003, pp. 195, 200. [15] Kenneth Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, The English Historical Review, Vol. 107, No. 424, 1992, p. 641. [16] Similarly, South Carolinian voyages also fell by twenty-fiver per cent. Ibid. , p. 640. [17] Stephen D. Behrendt, â€Å"The Annual Volume and Regional Distribution of the British slave trade, 1780-1807†, Journal of African History, Vol. 38, 1997, p. 189. [18] Kenneth Morgan, â€Å"Shipping Patterns and the Atlantic Trade of Bristol, 1749-1770†, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 3. , 1989, pp. 515, 532. [19] Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, p. 641. [20] Stephen D. Behrendt, â€Å"Markets, Transaction Cycles, and Profits: Merchant Decision Making in the British Slave Trade†, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 1, 2001, p. 88. [21] William Enfield, An essay towards the history of Leverpool, 2nd Ed. , 1774. [22] Morgan, â€Å"James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade†, p. 197. [23] Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, p. 635. [24] Letter To Captain Richard Prankard commander of the Unity Snow to Angola, Bristol, 29 January 1732, Bristol Central Reference Library, The Jefferies Collection: Volume 13. [25] Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, p. 635. [26] Ibid. ; Eric Williams, p. 67. [27] Gomer Williams, p. 467. 28] Liverpool & The Slave Trade, http://www. liverpoolinpictures. com/; Enfield, p. 85. [29] MacInnes, p. 175. [30] Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, pp. 630-2. [31] Jones, p. 76; Ibid. [32] Mackenzie-Grive, p. 4. [33] Paul G. E. Clemens, â€Å"The Rise of Liverpool, 1665-1750†, The Economic History Review, Vol. 29, No. 2, 1976, p. 210. [34] Captain W. Black of the Ship Jupiter to James Rogers, owner of The Jupiter, 20th August 1790, James Rogers Papers, Public Record Office, C/107/12 [35] Richardson, â€Å"Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’†, p. 40. 36] Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, p. 645. [37] Morgan, â€Å"James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade†, p. 215. [38] Clemens, p. 215. [39] However, restrictions of two Negroes per ton reduced potential profits to 200 pounds Stirling per voyage. Hyde et al. , p. 372. [40] Liverpool & The Slave Trade, http://www. liverpoolinpictures. com. [41] Gomer Williams, p. 471. [42] Richardson, â€Å"Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’†, p. 46-7. [43] Kenneth Morgan, â€Å"Bristol West India Merchants in the Eighteenth Century†, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Vol. , 1993, p. 205. [44] Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, p. 628. [45] Clemens, p. 212-7. [46] Herbert S. Klein, â€Å"The English Slave Trade to Jamaica, 1782-1808†, The Economic History Review, Vol. 31, No. 1, 1978, p. 42. [47] Richardson, â€Å"Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’†, p. 47. [48] Jones, p. 71. [49] Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, p. 646. [50] Morga n, â€Å"Bristol West India Merchants in the Eighteenth Century†, p. 204. [51] Ibid. , p. 203. [52] Ibid. , p. 205. [53] Clemens, p. 217. 54] Morgan, â€Å"James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade†, pp. 205, 209, 215. [55] Clemens, p. 219. [56] Richardson, â€Å"Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’†, p. 46. [57] Morgan, â€Å"James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade†, p. 199. [58] Clemens, pp. 213-8. [59] Behrendt, â€Å"Markets, Transaction Cycles†, p. 172. [60] Gomer Williams, p. 471. [61] Morgan, â€Å"James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade†, pp. 196, 203. [62] Mackenzie-Grive, p. 4. [63] Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, p. 633. [64] Gomer Williams, p. 471; MacInnes, p. 170. [65] Ibid. , p. 470. [66] Clemens, pp. 215, 221.